|
Locative :
Itu daor
‘it(is) big’
itu daor hobo
‘it will be big’
itu daor
sile
‘it was big’
moy kukur ekta
se
‘I have a dog’
moy kukur ekta hobo ‘I will have a dog’
moy kukur ekta
sile ‘I
had a dog’, etc.
|
Thus a LV can be
distinguished both on Paradigmatic and syntagmatic axis. The LV can be
defined as that verb which on paradigmatic axis shows a suppletive
base before tense markers and also fails to show opposition on
modality and on the syntagmatic axis can not occur alone as a
predicate but may occur either with a NP/Adv. or as an auxiliary verb
in a VP.
|
While there is a single
locative verb viz., «se ‘is’,
the rest of the verbs are non-locatives. The non-LVs in their turn can
be further sub-divided into auxiliary and principal verbs.
|
Only on the syntagmatic axis
a clear demarcation between an auxiliary and principal verb is
possible. In a VP consisting of two non-LVs, the auxiliary verb would
be postposed to the principal verb. Some of the auxiliary verb may be
preposed to another auxiliary verb, but a principal verb would never
be postponed to an auxiliary verb, as in:
|
|
jabo lage
‘must go’
jabo pare ‘can go’
bohibo lage ‘must sit’
dibo pare ‘can give’
dibo lage ‘must give’, etc.
|
In the illustrative examples
given above, while jabo and bohibo are principal verbs, dibo is not as
it can occur in V2 slot as an auxiliary with
different principal verbs. While the auxiliaries available in this
language are a closed set, the principal verbs form an open set. The
LV can also function as an auxiliary verb, as in :
|
|
bohi
se ‘is sitting’
|
A principal verb in this
language can now be defined as that non-locative verb which never
occur in the V2 position of a V1V2
. It may also occur in V1 position but can never
be preposed to a principal verb.
|
Auxiliary verbs:
|
Some of the
auxiliary verbs available in this language are listed below:
|
|
lage
‘need/want’
pare ‘possible/able’
thki
‘remain’
di ‘give’
|
The auxiliary
verbs lage, pare di marks the modality of the principas verb. The
auxiliary verbs are capable of showing opposition in tense, and some
also of modality of a limited nature, as in :
|
|
pare
‘can’
parise ‘could’
thki
‘remain’
thkise
‘remained’
thkibo
‘will remain’
thkibi
‘remain(imp)’
dibi ‘give(imp)’
|
While thki
‘remain’, di ‘give’, etc. can take imperative modal suffix, the other
auxiliary verbs are incapable of taking any modal markers. Even these
two cases also only the imperative modal and no other modal morker is
taken.
|
3.3.2.2. |
Principal verbs:
|
The principal
verbs in their turn can be further sub-divided into two. The criterion
for such a sub-division would be the ability or inability of a verb to
occur without a direct object, i.e., those verbs that are
traditionally known as transitive verbs, cannot occur as the sole
realization of a VP as in :
|
|
moy moso
khayse ‘I ate meat’
moy tak dikhise ‘I
saw him/her’
|
As opposed to
these, some verbs traditionally known as intransitive verbs can be the
sole realization of a VP, as in :
|
|
moy jabo
‘I will go’
tay khelise ‘he played’
gas girise ‘the tree fell’, etc.
|
A few transitive
verbs like: di ‘give’, rkhi
‘keep’ etc. are capable of taking two objects. Therefore depending
upon whether a transitive verb takes one object or two, the transitive
verbs in their turn can be further sub-divided into two, viz.,
mono-transitive and diatransitive verb, as in :
|
|
moy tak diskise
‘I saw her/him’
moy tayke ek lorak dise ‘I gave her a boy’ |