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3.0.3.
 
The Disjunctive Word
The disjunct linguistic word issues out of the application of different criteria at different levels of the language system. In essence, in this approach to the definition of the word, phonic material ruled ‘word’ at some level by some criteria and ‘nonword’ at some other level by the same criteria could be a word at the latter level by some other criteria : wordhood is a function also of the linguistic level. The levels that Mao Naga recognises are :
 
[a] The phonological level where the criteria that operated [in vain, though, as we saw] in the definition of the conjunct word operate to define what could be called the ‘phonological word’. Typically, the boundaries of the phonological word, the lexical word and the morphological word are identical, [b] the morphosyntactic level where the syntactic criterion of Mobility operates to define the ‘grammatical word’, and [c] the interphrasal level where the test of substitutability operates to define the ‘interphrasal’ word. Essentially, if a [x] is a structure in a language and if the relevant criteria operate to establish a [x] as an integral linguistic entity, one is speaking at the phonological level, of phonological wordhood ; if either of a and x of the phonological word a[x] is syntactically mobile, its scope ranging beyond is speaking at the grammatical/morphosyntactic level, of the ‘grammatical’ or ‘morphosyntactic’ word. These are phonologically bound units of syntactic distribution. -we the habitual aspect marker, for instance, can be suffixed either to the verb root or the postverbal adverb or the postadverbial intensifier :
 
32. pfo1 imela2 sü-we3  

‘I1 know3 Mao Naga2

           
32 a. pfo1 imela2 3 to4 -we3

‘I1 know3 Mao Naga2 well 4


In terms of scope, -we is syntactic, not morphological. If either of a or x can be isolated to expound either of the two major categorical constituents viz., the NP or the VP, one is speaking at the interphrasal level, of the ‘interphrasal’ word. As has laready been pointed out, le the future tense auxiliary can stand for the whole verb phrase unlike -we the habitual aspect marker, for instance :
 
33 ai1 mikrü-li2 lo3

 le4

‘I1 will4 go down3 to Imphal2
33 a. ai1 le2    

I1 will2

           
32 b. ai1 imela2 sü-we3  

‘I1 know3 Mao Naga2

*32 c. ai we      

Note that one couldn’t argue that -we, unlike le, is phonologically bound : In terms of potential pause, le is phonologically bound as there is no temporal hiatus between le and the preceding linguistic element, but in terms, of Isolability, it is NOT phonologically bound. The word in the disjunct approach is discrete rather than squishy at all levels except the phonological where what is true in the first approach is true here too.
 
The various criteria operating at the three levels elucidated lead to a five-term typology of the Mao Naga word.


3.0.3.1.





 


The first type is a morphosyntactic word, and interphrasal and phonological nonword. Illustrative of this type are the individuators -i, -hi and -sü which attach to different word classes ; they attach not only to the head noun but also to whatever follows the headnoun - postmodifiers, case markers, postpositions etc. - and have the whole phrase in their scope :
 

34  a.

niefo1 - i/hi/sü2 ‘the2 female [s]1  
           

b.

nieo1  mamüi kazhü2 -i/hi/sü3  
  the3 beautiful2  female[s]1    
           

c.

nieo1 mami kazhü2 - i/hi/sü3  
  all3 the4 beautiful2 female[s]1, 1  
           

d.

nieo1 mamüi kazhü2  hopfü3 he4 -i/hi/sü5
  near/to4 all3 the5 beautiful 2 females1

This was an example of the phrasal scope of morphosyntactic words. The following exemplifies sentential scope. Phonologically bound linguistic elements which can attach to any constituent in the sentence and whose scope is sentential are called ‘clitics’.
 
35 a. ni idu takoo-i adi vue
b. ni-i idu takoo adi vu-e


1
 

This particular sentence is not attested in the data, but it is presumably

possible, judging by a sentence attested in the data and which is given below.

 
 

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