| 35
c. |
ni |
idu- i |
takoo |
adi |
cü |
vu-e |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 35d. |
ni |
idu |
takoo |
adi
|
cü |
vue-i |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| ‘where4 |
[was] |
it that3 |
you [sg.]1 |
went3
|
yesterday2
?’ |
|
|
Notice that the individuator - i
can be attached not only to the verbal gerund, but also
to the verb, the temporal sentential adverb idu
‘yesterday’ and the subject noun ni, irrespective
of which of the four constituents it is suffixed to, -i
covers all the five in its scope viz., ni, idu, takoo,
adicü and vu. |
-i,
the individuator marks the fact that both the speaker and
the hearer have seen and know about the referent of the
noun it attaches to [see 3.3.4 for more details]. But idu-i
‘yesterday’ in the above example does not refer to wider
in scope, refers rather to the fact that the speaker has
seen the subject noun ni ‘you [sg.]’ do the action
identified by the nonfinite verb takoo ‘going’ at a time
signalled by idu ‘yesterday’. This is clearer in
a sentence like
|
| 36 |
ni1 |
idu-i2 |
adi3 |
so-we4 |
|
| |
what3 |
were4 |
you[sg.]1 |
doing4 |
yesterday2
? |
|
where, clearly -i
in idu-i
does not signal a yesterday which both of the interlocutors
have seen and know about, but rather the fact that the speaker
saw the referent of ni ‘you [sg.]’ do something
yesterday and today wants to know what exactly it was that
ni ‘you [sg.]’ was doing. In 37 and 37a respectively.
|
| 37 |
pfo-i1 |
cüdu-no2 |
ta-ie3
|
| |
when2 |
did3 he1 |
go away3 ? |
| |
|
|
|
| 37 a. |
pfo1 |
cüdu-no2 |
ta-ie-i3
|
|
|
-i
has the privilege of occurring either with the subject
noun pfo ‘he’ or with the finite verb ta
‘go away’. The speaker of this sentence knows that the
referent of the subject left or rather saw him leave in
fact, but has forgotten the time/date of departure. On
the other hand, the scope of gender affixes, derivational
prefixes, for instance, does not range beyond morphology.
|
Gender suffix -krü.
|
| 38
a. |
tu-krü |
‘cow’ |
|
b. |
vo-krü |
‘female pig’ |
|
c. |
sohć-krü |
‘female buffalo’ |
|
| |
| d. |
si-krü |
‘female dog’ |
| e. |
ihĩ-krü |
‘she-goat’ |
|
gender suffix -lo [from khelo]
|
| 39
a. |
si-lo |
‘male
dog’ |
|
b. |
vo-lo |
‘male
pig’ |
|
derivational prefix |
verb to adverb |
| 40
a. |
zhü |
‘be good’ |
| 40
b. |
ma-zhü |
‘well’ |
| 41
a. |
shü |
‘be bad’ |
| 41
b. |
ma-shü |
‘badly’ |
|
noncausative verb to causative verb
|
| 42
a. |
avi |
‘to escape’ |
| 42
b. |
ko-vi |
‘to cause to
escape’ |
| 43
a. |
ta |
‘to go’ |
| 43
b. |
ma-ta |
‘to cause to go’ |
| 44
a. |
ba |
‘to wear [as shawl]’ |
| 44
b. |
ma-ba |
‘to cause to wear
[as shawl]’ |
| 45
a. |
rü |
‘to write’ |
| 45
b. |
mo-rü |
‘to cause to write’ |
|
-we the habitual aspect marker is another
example of this limited membership set |
3.0.3.2.
|
The second type, the opposite of
the first, is a morphosyntactic nonword and interphrasal and phonological
word. This is statistically the largest type. All lexical units exemplify
this type.
|
| oni |
‘festival’ |
odzü |
‘water’ |
| larübvü |
‘book’ |
pfo |
‘she; he’ |
|
