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-ru, and the progressive aspect by participialising bu ‘to be’ with the verb in the conjunctive which is a mode of expression of the progressive in Mao (see 3.4.5.3.)
 

600

.1.  soha  ‘to kill’
       
    soha-ko-o-müi ‘killer ; murderer (past)’
       
    soha-ko-ru-müi ‘killer ; murderer (future)’
       
    soha-o ko-bu-müi ‘killer ; murderer (progressive) : the one
      who is killing’
       
 

2.

 hĩ ‘to marry (sbj; fem.sg.)’
       
    hĩ-ko-o-püi ‘bride(past) ; the one (fem. sg.)’ who married’
       
    hĩ-ko-ru-püi ‘bride (future) ; the one who will marry’
       
    hĩ-o ko-bu-püi ‘bride (progressive) ; the one who is/was/will
      be undergoing the process of marriage’
       
 

3.

 nohiu ‘to marry (adj. masc. sg:)’
       
    nohiu-ko-o-na ‘bridegroom (past) ; the one (masc.)
      who married’
       
    nohiu-ko-ru-na ‘bridegroom (future) ; the one (masc.)
      who will marry’
       
    nohiu-o ko-bu-na ‘bridegroom (progressive) ; the one (masc.)
      who is/was/will be undergoing the process
      of marriage’
       

 

4.  mamüi zhü ‘be beautiful’
       
    mamüi zhü-ko-o-püi ‘the one who was beautiful’
       
    mamüi zhü-ko-ru-püi ‘the one who will be beautiful’

Nominal(ized) participles could occur with lexical heads; the latter would then be structurally redundant in that the participial nouns do not require their presence.
 

601.

1.  (omüi)1 idu2 vu-ko-o-na-i3 dili4-ko-e
    the (man)1 /one who came3 yesterday2 (was) Dili4
     

 

2.  (osi)1 ayi2 maki-ko-o-na-i3 he4 bu-e5
    the (dog)1 /one that bit3 me2 is5 here4

The above sentences are complete without the parenthesized lexical head nouns. Consider further
 

602

{ odzü4 ho phro-ko-o-

{ ų } }
 

a-no1 oli2-li(khi)3                   

{ { na } -hi5 }
 

{ ho phro-ko-o5 odzü4 -sü }

 
 

hihi6 -koe

 


this6 (is) the water 4 that I1 filled5 (in) the pot2 with
 

When the past participle of the complex verb ho phro ‘to fill’ viz. ho phro-ko-o is not nominalized by the gender-number marker -na but is followed by zero ( O ), the lexical head noun odzü ‘water’ is not structurally redundant and the construction exemplifies only an alternative, if a typically less common, order of the sequence of the adnominal or adjectival participle and lexical head noun where as if it is nominalized by, for example, -na, odz* ‘water’ the lexical head noun could be redundant. Thus the sentence could be appropriately rewritten, showing the position of odzü ‘water’ as to optionally as
 
 

 

{ odzü4 ho phro-ko-o- ų -hi5 }  
       
602 .a. a-no111 oli1 -li(khi)3 {                                                    }  hihi 6 -ko-e

 

      

   
 

 

{ (odzü)4 ho phro-ko-o-na-hi }  

There are three linguistic situations when deverbals function as nouns without the number-gender marker (or any other marker) being added to them: a. When participles constitute ‘pseudo-relatives’ b. When deverbal adjectives constitute NP’s, for which there is ostensibly no explanation and c. gerunds which are described in a separate section.
 

Pseudo-relatives
 

603

1.  pen1 lona-hi2 ai-no3 moho-ko-o- O4 -ko-e
  what4 I3 lost4 (was) that2 pen1
 

2.

 ai-no1 adzü ka-pa- ų -sü2 rashü3 -ko-e
  what2 I1 like2 (are) fruits3
     
 

3.

 sodu1 ai-no2 cü-ko-ru-hi3 hayi4 -koe
  what 3 I2 will drink3 tomorrow1 will be ricebeer4
     
 

4.

 pfo-no1 pfo ko-vu-hi2 oso3 -koe
    what2 he1 brought2 was meat3
 

5.

 pfo-no1 to-kolo-hi2 hobu3 -koe
  what2 he1 ate2 was rice3

 

 
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