| i |
‘we
(excl. prn) |
ila |
‘ourselves’ |
i
ala |
| |
|
|
|
|
| nihĩ |
‘you
(du.)’ |
nihĩ-la |
‘yourselves’ |
nihi
ala |
| |
|
|
|
|
| nita |
‘you
(excl.pl.)’ |
nita-la |
‘yourselves’
|
nita
ala |
| |
|
|
|
|
| pfo |
‘he/she’ |
pfo-la |
‘himself/herself’ |
pfo
ala |
| |
|
|
|
|
| pfohĩ
|
‘they
(du.)’ |
pfohĩ-la
|
‘themselves’ |
pfohi
ala |
| |
|
|
|
|
| pfota |
‘they
(excl. pl.)’ |
pfota-la |
‘themselves’ |
pfota
ala |
| |
|
|
|
|
| pfokhrumüi |
‘they
(incl. pl.)’ |
pfokhrumüila |
‘themselves’ |
pfokhrumüi
ala |
|
reflexives for emphasis :
|
| |
|
|
|
| |
|
{ata(müĩ
ala}2 |
|
| 430. |
ovo hi1
|
{
} |
so3
-se 4
|
| |
|
{atamüi-la} |
|
|
‘we (excl. prn. & excl. pl.)2
did3 the
work1 ourselves’
|
|
| 431 |
a. |
(pfota)1
pfota-la2
so-e3
|
| |
|
|
| |
b. |
pfota1
ala2
so-e3
|
| |
|
|
| |
|
they1
did3
(it)themselves2
|
|
3.3.6.5.
|
The Indefinite
Pronoun |
Indefinite
pronouns in Mao are
|
| katamüi
/ müi kata |
‘anybody’ |
|
|
| kamüiko |
‘some
people’ |
| |
|
| kata / cohõko |
‘anything’ |
|
The concepts expressed by the English ‘somebody’ ‘something’
(cohõ kalĩ ‘everybody’ and ‘everything’
are expressed by phrases. |
3.3.6.6.
|
The Reciprocal
pronoun |
The
reciprocal pronoun is kanako ‘each other
; one another’
|
| 432 |
pfo ahĩ1
gauhati2
-lino3 |
pfo ahĩ1
gauhati2
-lino3 |
| |
kanako-yi4
kasa solo-e5 |
Gauhati2
with each other4
|
|
|
|
| 433 |
itamüi1
kanakoyi2
le shü3 |
‘we (incl. prn.
& excl. pl.)1
must4 |
| |
moli-shü-e4 |
love3
one another2
|
| |
|
|
| 434 |
pfohĩ
kanako2
leshü-e3 |
‘they (du.)1
love3 each
other 2
|
| |
|
|
| 435 |
pfota1
kanako-yi2
da-o ie3 |
‘they (excl.
pl.)1 beat3
one another2
|
|
3.3.7.
|
CASE |
| Case
specifies the role an NP fulfills in its relationship
with the predicate. The following is largely a formally
i.e. morphology-oriented, neither notionally nor deep
syntax-oriented, description of case in Mao. |
3.3.7.1.
|
The Subject |
| Mao
Naga is a split-ergative or partially ergative language
; there is, therefore, (atleast) one necessary (coding)
condition of subjecthood, but only in specific linguistic
contexts. In other words, ergative-marking is a sufficient,
not a necessary criterion of subjecthood. There are
two other sufficient conditions which could be used
as diagnostic tools : no, the identificatory particle
which can occur only with the embedding (eg. 436 a-e)
or embedded (437) subject and hi which as a marker
of (a) uncertain irresponsibility (eg. 438) and (b)
of generic nature (eg. 439) can occur only with the
subject. Note that these do not, of course, mark subjecthood,
although they occur only with the subject. |
Examples of no
|
| 436 |
a. |
ahie-no1
pe2 |
who1
said2 ? |
| |
|
|
|
| |
b. |
ai-no1
alemo-yi2
dae93 |
it was
I who1
walloped3
Alemo2
|
| |
|
|
|
| |
c. |
losü-no1
lolia-yi2
akuo3 ta-e4 |
it was Losü
who1 was
going4
with3 Lolia2
|
| |
|
|
|
| |
d. |
mahibo-no1
manini-yi2 |
it was Mathibo
who1 married3
|
| |
|
mono-lo-ie3 |
Manini2
|
| |
|
|
|
| |
e. |
pfo-no1
azhü2 ve3 |
it was he who1
stole3
mine 2
|
| |
|
|
|
| 437
|
a. |
ata1
pfo-yi-no2
kaisa-yi3 |
mono-lo4
o5
pe6
|
| |
|
|
|
| |
|
we
(excl. pl. & excl. prn.)1 |
told6
him2 to
marry4
Kaisa3
|
| |
|
|
|
| |
b. |
pfota-no1
ayi-no2
kaisa-yi3 |
mono-lo4
o5
pe6
|
| |
|
they
(excl. pl.)1
told6 |
me2
to marry4
Kaisa3
|
|
Examples of hi
|
| 438 |
pfo-hi1
ni2 na-yi3
koli4 le5
he1 will5
look after4
your2 child3
|
| |
|
| 439 |
cini-hi1
odzü2 -li3
züiwe4
sugar2
melts4
in3 water1 |
|
Word order is a good guide for identifying the subject,
the subject being typically the first in the unmarked
temporal order of the sentence. Examples where the
subject, being nontopic or whatever could be second
in
|
