but
this difference is indicated elsewhere in the sentence as the verb in
itself does not undergo any change in shape for this purpose. Thus the
verbs in Sema could be sub-grouped on two different axes, viz., stationary
verbs vs mobility verbs and transitive vs intransitive verbs. While the
basis for the sub-grouping of the verbs have already been discussed, the
other features of a verb beginning with the causative constructions will
be discussed in the following sections. |
3.3.3.
Causatives |
The
most typical role of a subject is agentive, i.e., the animate being instigating
or causing the happening denoted by the verb. And the most typical function
of the indirect object is that of a receipient, i.e., of animate being
passively implicated by the happening or state, for instance, in the sentence
: |
li
kaku lakhì icwya |
`she
gave me a book’ |
|
|
li
`she’ is the agent (subject) kaku lakhì `a book’ is
the affected participant (direct object) and i `I’ is the receipient.
What has been stated above is the typical subject/object relation. However
apart from its agentive function, the subject also frequently has the
aaffective role, elsewhere typically of the object, as in : |
anaye
thuú anì |
`the
child is growing’ |
asbo
ikiqi anì |
`the
tree is falling’ |
|
|
It
is also possible in Sema to have the affection wilfully caused by an external
agent, as in : |
pano |
asbo
|
ikiquipe
|
an
|
|
`he |
is |
growing
|
the |
tree’ |
|
1 |
2 |
3 4 |
5 |
|
(lit. |
he |
tree |
grow |
cause |
is) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
1 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
5 |
|
|
pano
anu thuúpe an |
‘he
is growing the child’ etc. |
|
|
In
the two illustrative examples given above pano `he’ is the external
agent, asöbo `tree’ and anu `child’ are the affected
participants. In these sentences the verb takes the causative marker pe. |
The
examples of the causatives cited above are typical in the sense that the
one in the affective role is not performing any action on its part, whereas
the affected person could also perform the agentive role, as in : |
ino
lipelono kaku lakhì icpekè |
`I
caused her to give me a book’ |
|
|
In
this instance, the affected person has to perform an agentive role/action,
viz., giving the book, (though involuntarily). We have thus two types
of causative construction in Sema. |
3.3.3.1.
Sub-classification : causatives : |
The
illustrative examples given earlier show that the affected person may
or may not perform any action. This could thus be the criterion for sub-classifying
the causative constructions in Sema, i.e., the causative constructions
in Sema in the first instance can be sub-classified into two, viz., non-agentive
and agentive causatives. Semantically, the non-agentive causatives are
those wherein the affected persons/objects do not play any role while
the agentive causatives are those constructions in which the affected
persons/objects are obliged to perform certain role (though involuntarily).
This semantic difference is correlated with the structural difference,
as in : |
pano
ana thuúpe anì vs |
`he
caused the child to grow’ |
ino
papelo akmla
sipekè |
`I
cause him to do the work’ |
paye
akmla
siwà |
`he
did the work’ |
ino
pape mildi lakhì cepekè |
`I
caused him to walk a mile’ |
paye
mildi lakhì cewà |
`he
walked a mile’ |
ino
ekilipelono asi cúpekè |
`I
caused Ekili to eat meat’ |
ekili
no asi cúwà |
‘Ekili
ate meat’ |
ekilipelono
kaku phipelò |
`caused
Ekili to read the book’ |
kaku
philò |
`read
the book’ |
ekili
kaku phiwà |
`Ekili
read the book’ etc. |
|
|
It
is seen from the illustrative examples given above, that the causative
marker pe occurs twice when the affected person is obliged to perform
some action, i.e., the causative marker pe occurs with both the verb as
well as with the affected person/object who is obliged to perform the
action specified. This double occurrence of the causative marker is found
both when the verb is in intransitive construction, the locative case
marker lo occurs after the causative marker pe occurring with the noun
(affected person/object) and when the verb is in transitive construction,
the ablative case marker lono1 rather than lo occurs with causative marker
pe. |
|
1.
It was seen earlier that the ablative case marker lono is a combination
of locative and nominative case marker. |