The
Assamese educated Nagas were able to keep the two systems quite
distinct. For instance, during this writer’s fieldwork, a number of
such Nagas told this writer that when they talk to an Assamese, they
would not use the forms given to this writer earlier; rather they would
use pure Assamese. At the same time, when they talked to the other Naga
groups, they would use the pidgin forms given to this writer. A similar
situation is found in the case of Sadari creole speakers who had formal
education in Hindi (cf. Sreedhar, 1982.c).
As far as the Nagas were concerned, they were head-hunters to a man,
and the last case was reported from the Tuensang district in 1958. Since
the inter-village feuds and the resultant head-hunting expeditions.
continued for centuries, there was very little scope for interlingua
contact for interlingual contact or societal bilingualism amongst the
Nagas. The intervillage feuds and wars which formed part of the Naga
life are now a part of their history. With the establishment of stable
administration for the entire Nagaland, the insecurity that lurked in
the minds of every Naga started disappearing, resulting that lurked in
the minds of every Naga started disappearing, resulting in the gradual
transformation of their social and political life. A number of Nagas
started crossing the limits of their villages for education and
employment. As far as the societal bilingualism amongst the Nagas is
concerned, these may be taken as the turning point. Earlier there was
some limited one-way bilingualism amongst the Sema and Chang converts to
Christianity who learnt the Ao language which was the first Naga
language to have the Bible translated. Beyond the fact that Rev. Godhula,
and Assames pastor working with the American missionary Dr. E.W.Clarks
at Sibsagar1, got introduced to some Ao Nagas from
Mulungkimong village and later Rev. Godhula learnt the Ao language in
his Sibsagar camp from one Ao named Supongmeven, nothing is known about
the language used in their early contacts. The first nine Ao Nagas of
the Mulungkimong village converted to Christianity by Rev. Godhula, were
baptized by Dr. Clark at Sibsagar on Nov. 11, 1872. The same year he set
up a Baptist Mission, the first to be set up in the Naga Hills (Kijung
1961). The Hindu missionaries and the missionaries of the other
Christian denominations did not venture into the Naga Hills. Later Dr.
clark and Mrs. Clark learnt the Ao language thus became a language of
prestige and superior culture for the other Nagas. With this brief
account of the languages spoken in Nagaland and the different ethnic
groups, and their early contacts with outsiders it is proposed to
discuss the terms used in the title of this monograph.
In linguistics or for that matter in any science, a term has
relevance only in its opposition to the other terms on the one hand and
1 Sibsagar is a barter trade center in Assam. It is situated in
the North-eastern part of Naga Hills.
|
the
syntagmatic relations of the terms to one another on the other Further
there is the need to view this indigenous pidgin in relation to the
pidgins based on European languages elswhere. Similarly, there is a need
not only to justify the attempt on planned standardization but also the
steps adopted in standardizing this language. Beginning with the term
pidgin, the following sections would discuss these issues.
The languages called pidgins and creoles have drawn the attention of
scholars for more than a century. But these languages, when compared to
the genetically related languages usally termed as ‘natural language’,
got a step-motherly treatment until recently. Pioneers in the study of
pidgins and creoles were : H. Schuchardt, Herikevit, John E. Reinecke,
William Greenfield, Robert Hall Jr. etc.
The pidgins and creoles as types of languages were effectively
distinguished only just about 50 years ago [Bloomfield (1933), Reinecke
(1938/64)etc.] Reinecke, while recognising them as distinct language
types, kept both pidgins and creoles together under the rubric of
marginal languages. Despite the interest of the scholars in these tyes
of languages for almost a century, the studies in these languages
remained a marginal concern to the linguists. It was only after the Mona
conference in April 1968 that these languages started receiving serious
attention of scholars and also a respectable position within linguistic
studies. While referring to the importance of pidgins and creoles, Hymes
claims that (Hymes, 1971 : 5) ‘certainly pidgins and creoles challenge
our ability to deal with linguistic diversity, to discover its
systematic basis from the stand point of social life. I would predict
that the future of sociolinguistics lies in a still more widely defined
concern, namely explanation of the origin, maintenance, change and loss
of specific means of speech. The concern would be with the adaptation.
It would be part of the general problem of social science, the
maintenance and transformation of symbolic order’. Despite the creoles,
there is hardly any generally accepted definition of a pidgin. Most
scholars define a pidgin by referring to its characteristic features
which are not uniform. For instance, Hymes (1971 : 84) offers the
definition of some terms connected with the pidgins, but a pidgin is ‘pidginization’
was defined, he defines a pidgin as ‘a result of such a process (pidginiztion)
that has achieved a norm’. Earlier in the features to the same book,
Hymes mentions about certain characteristic features of pidgins i.e.,
pidgins arise as make shift adaptaiton, reduced in structure and use and
no ones language’. To Todd (1974 : 1) ‘a pidgin is a marginal
language which aims to fulfil certain restricted communication needs
among people who have no common language.
|
|
|
|
|