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A: |
idu-no1
{ų}2
-sokro-o ie3
|
|
| |
{ona} |
|
| |
|
|
| |
(she)
yesterday 1
{ ų1 }2
|
aborted
3 |
| |
{
child } |
|
|
5.2.2.
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The Interfacial Compound
|
Some sequences display
properties both of a fully fledged compound and
a phrase. Such sequences may be said to belong
to the interface between lexis and syntax. cü-vu
‘house-go (= marry (sbj. fem.sg))’ is a classic
case in point. cü-vu is a compound by
the criteria of Notional No redundancy and Identity
Erasure, among others, but it is syntactically
sensitive in so far as it forces its animate Direct
Object to shed its DO marker viz. -yi
(recall that animate direct Objects take -yi).
|
| 390
|
1. |
lijisa-no1
loli2
cü-vü-e3
|
| |
|
Lijisa
1 Loli’s2
house-went-to3
(= married) |
| |
|
|
| |
|
i.e., Lijisa1
married3
Loli2
|
|
Had cü-vu been syntactically insular
or insensitive, in other words, had it been a
fully fledged compound, the sentence would have
been :
|
|
390. |
2. |
lijisa-no loli-yi cü-vu-e |
|
which is sharply ungrammatical. loli
‘Loli’ functions at the same time as a DO and
a determiner in the phrase it forms with a nominal
component of a(n) (incipient) compound. Note,
en passant, that this dual role of loli
‘Loli’ in 390 has to do with the sov order
of sentential constituents. It is impossible for
the DO to function both as a DO and a determiner
in an svo or a osv language.
|
5.2.3.
|
Structural Typology |
|
There are eight types of compounds. The
parenthesized notation refers to the external distribution class
of the compound : (1) NN(N) (2) NN(V) (3) NV(V) (4) NV(N) (5)
Vintr N(N) (6) VAdv (N) (7) NVN(N) (8) VV(V).
|
(1)
|
NN(N) |
|
391 |
mhi-dzü
|
‘eye-water’
|
‘tear(n)’ |
|
|
|
|
| |
cü-hĩ |
‘nature-eye’
|
‘sun’ |
|
|
|
|
|
phi-hĩ |
leg-eye
|
‘ankle’ |
|
|
|
|
| |
ora-tu
|
desert-domestic
bovine |
‘camel’ |
|
|
|
|
| |
cü-phe
|
house-top
|
‘roof’ |
|
|
|
|
| |
cü-pra
|
house-front
|
‘front courtyard’ |
|
|
|
|
|
dzü-bvü
|
water-box
|
‘lake’ |
|
|
|
|
|
dzü-khe
|
paper-layer
|
‘page’ |
|
|
|
|
|
larü-cü
|
paper-house
|
‘school’ |
|
(2)
|
NN(V) |
|
392. |
hĩ-li
|
eye-one
(kali) |
‘to wink’ |
|
Note that the external distribution class of the compound is
different from that of either constituent. |
(3)
|
NV(V) |
The constituent verb could be transitive, intransitive or
causative.
|
|
393 |
1. |
odzü-da |
water-beat |
‘swim’ |
| |
|
|
|
|
| |
|
koto ho |
food-not have |
‘be poor’ |
| |
|
|
|
|
| |
|
odzü-akhrü |
water-pour-on, bathe
|
‘wash body parts’ |
| |
|
|
|
|
| |
|
hĩ-rü |
eye-stare |
‘to stare’ |
| |
|
|
|
|
| |
|
ona-hrü |
child-conceive |
‘to conceive’ |
| |
|
|
|
|
| |
|
ona-sokro |
child-abort |
‘to abort’ |
| |
|
|
|
|
| |
|
cü-vu |
house-go |
‘to marry (sbj: fem.
sg.)’ |
| |
|
|
|
|
| |
|
dzü-lü |
water-be hot |
‘hot-water’ |
| |
|
|
|
|
| |
|
dzü-ku |
water-be cold |
‘cold-water’ |
| |
|
|
|
|
| |
|
ohra-alecu
|
? |
‘be physiologically
mature |
| |
|
|
|
(of females)’ |
|
(4)
|
NV(N) |
|
394. |
larü-mazhie
|
‘paper-cause to fly’ |
‘kite’ |
| |
|
|
|
| |
cü-so |
‘house-be long’ |
‘rafter, beamthatsupports |
| |
|
|
a house’ |
| |
|
|
|
| |
cü-khu |
‘house-to guard’ |
‘door’ |
| |
|
|
|
| |
pi-khu |
‘head-to guard’ |
‘pillow’ |
|
Note : There is no possibility of a VN compound because Mao is an
SOV language.
|
One could, however, have a V intr N compound.
|
(5)
|
V Intr N(N) |
|
395. |
kazhie-bvü
|
flying-box
|
‘aircraft’ |
|
Curiously, the form kazhie is itself
being increasingly used to mean ‘aircraft’.
|
