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    In each of above, the hi postposed to the subject signals that the property identified by the predicate is a generic property of the subject referent, and further, the speaker has had personal experience of it. In contrast, no, probably in its indemnificatory function, added to the subject in the above linguistic contexts, would mean (a) that the statement is specific, restricted in scope to a particular man/entity pr community/group of people and the speaker in fact does not quite know the specific entity and (b) that there might be something unexpectedly sinister in the nature of the subject NP referent. Note that pe-lo shü-e ‘can’t say’ can follow the sentence with the -no marked subject and not the sentence with the hi- marked subject.


1.  raho-hi1 oa a-li-e2 *pe-lo shü-e3
    birds1 are of different kinds2 ; (one) can’t say3


 raho-no1 oa a-li-e2 pe-lo shü-e3
    birds1 are of different kinds2 ; (one) can’t say3


 nieomüi-hi1 ozhü cü-e2 *pe-lo shü-e3
    females1 are self-centred/egoistic/stingy2 ; (one) can’t say3


 nieomüi-no1 ozhü cü-e2 pe-lo shü-e3
    females1 are self-centred/egoistic/stingy2 ; (one) can’t say 3


 cüvemüi-hi1 docü-te2 *pe-lo shü-e 3
    thieves1 are very dangerous2 ; (one) can’t say 3


 cüvemüi-no1 docü-te2 pe-lo-shü-e3
    thieves1 are dangerous2 ; (one) can’t say3

4.3 The specifier particle

     no is the specifier particle. It singles out an entity or a group of entities from among many entities or groups of entities. It occurs only with nouns.


1.  hokrü-no1 idzü2 modzü-we3
    (it is) the hen (that)1 lays3 eggs2


 tukrü2 -no1 nilei-yi2 tunidzü3 pi-we4
    (it is) the cow (that)1 purveys4 us2 milk3


 a1 cümüi-no2 ayi3 ko-o bu-e4
    (it is) my1 wife (who)2 is calling4 me3


 pfo-no1 pfo2 pfü-yi3 leshü-e4
    (it is) he (who)1 loves4 his2 mother3


 besü-no1 bel2 da-oi-e3
    (it is) besü (who)1 rang3 (the) bell2


 pfokho-no1 ayi2 ora ro-i-e3
    (it was) Pfokho (who)1 got angry with3 me 2


 kaikho-no1 ve 2
    (it was) Kaikho (who)1 stole2


 mangili-no1 vu-se2
    (it was) Mangili (who)1 came2


 aiho-no1 thi-i-e2
    (it was) Daiho1 (who) died2


 a12 kaikho3 cü-no4 lopüi5 bu-e6
    (it is) on the other side5 of Kaikho’s3 house4 (that) my1 house2 is6

     The specifying function of no is tellingly illustrated by the fact (a) that the human interrogative pronoun takes -no invariably in nonequational sentences :
347 1.  { ahie-no }1 pe2 who1 said2 ?
    { ?? ahie }  
  2.  { ahie-no }1 ayi2 ko-o bu-e3 who1 is calling3 me2 ?
    { ?? ahie }  

and (b) that if the identity-seeking question is addressed to an individual, the answer precludes -no. Thus, if the question


a. ahie-no1 osi-yi2 da-e3
    who1 beat3 (the) dog2 ?

is addressed to the individual qho happened to beat the dog, the answer has a null-marked subject :


 i. ai1 da-e2 I1 beat2 (it)

If, on the other hand, it is addressed to a group of individuals, the answer (by an individual) has a no- marked subject


 ii. ai-no1 da-e2 it is I1 who beat (it)2

Further, no can occur with any sentence constituent except the direct and indirect objects (including Goal).





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