whereas deontic obligatives do provide for
verification :
|
|
2. |
ico1
imeli2 ocü irü-o
kobu phae3 ana4
ocü irü-o bu mo- ie5
|
| |
it must/should be
(=deontic obligative) raining3
in Mao2 now1 |
| |
but4
it is not5 |
|
Note, however, that the disjunctive clause can
follow if the inferential clause is embedded in a quotative clause.
|
|
136. |
idu1
ocü irü {kabüizhümoe}2
|
o3
bu-e4 ana5
ocü irü6 |
| |
{
mabüi(ho)moe } |
qut. be-snt. but
to rain |
| |
yesterday
to rain mrkr |
|
| |
mo-ie7
|
|
| |
neg
vr-sntmrkr |
|
|
This sentence seems unglossable. It means something like
‘it was as though it must have rained but it didn’t’. Notice
again that such sentences are not possible with the strongly
inferential ahi and le.
|
3.4.6.22.
|
The mood of Seriousness |
The
mood of Seriousness of Action is marked by -i
suffixed to transitive verbs. Its incidence is remarkably
infrequent and it has no negative (see 3.4.13.6.4)
|
|
137 |
a. |
a1
pfo-no2 a3
he4 oko5
pe-ie6
|
| |
|
my1
father2 told6
me3 (the) news5
|
| |
|
| as opposed
to |
|
| |
|
|
|
b. |
a1
pfo-no2 a3
he4 oko5
pe6 |
| |
|
my1
father2 told6
me3 (the) news
5 |
| |
|
|
| |
|
means that the telling/the
news was serious. |
|
3.4.6.23.
|
The Mood of the Perceived
Undesirability of and (Hence) |
Apprehensive Concern About the Action
|
The
mood of the Perceived Undesirability and (Hence) Apprehensive
Concern About the Action is expressed by -o and
- i,
the former marking the undesirability of the action vis-a-vis
the direct object and the latter vis-a-vis the subject.
|
|
138. |
1. |
kaikho-no1
to-o2 le3
he4 pfo ko5
|
| |
|
Kaikho1
will3 eat it
up2 , bring5
(it) here4 |
| |
|
|
|
|
2. |
opro-i1
kokuo2 mo-li3
onamüi-no4 to-o5
le6 |
| |
|
hide2
the medicine(s)1,
otherwise3 children4
will6 eat it/them
up 5 |
| |
|
| as opposed
to |
|
| |
|
|
|
1a. |
kaikho-no1
to-i2
le3 he4
pfo ko5 |
| |
|
|
|
|
2a. |
opro-i1
kokuo2 mo-li3
onamüi-no4 to-i5
le6 |
|
mean that the speaker is worried more about the eats/medicine
being depleted, finished up rather than about the (un)desirability
of the action from the view point of the ingestors i.e.
the referents of the subject ; -o is more appropriate
in such situations :
|
|
139 |
1. |
kosa-no1
to-o2 le3
süduno4 opi huo5
|
| |
|
cats1
will3 eat it
up2 , therefore4
, cover it5 |
| |
|
|
|
|
2. |
osi-no1
mali-o le3 -o4
idu-no5 opi hu-oie6
|
| |
|
thinking that4
dogs1 would3
like it2 , (I/we/they...)
covered6 (it) |
| |
|
|
| |
|
thinking that4
dogs1 would3
like it2 , (I/we/they...)
covered6 (it) |
| |
|
|
| |
|
yesterday5
|
|
On the other hand, -i
is appropriate, and is in fact the only possible form in
some situations :
|
|
140 |
1. |
khevu1
bu2 moso3
-li4 odzü4
hu-
|
{i
}5
le6 |
| |
|
|
{*o} |
| |
|
if 4
(you) boil2 (the)
curry1 long3
, (the) water4
will6 dry up5
|
|
| |
|
|
|
| |
|
|
|
|
|
2. |
ni1
odzü-li3 bu4
moso5 -li6
lishü- |
{i}7
le8 |
| |
|
|
{*o} |
| |
|
if6
you (sg.)1 stay4
in3 (the) water2
|
|
| |
|
for too long5
, you 0 will8
take ill7 |
|
| |
|
|
|
|
|
3. |
ikhüi1
ocü (i)rü2 mo3
-i-li4
caka5 oto makra-
|
{i
}6
le7 |
| |
|
|
{*o }
|
| |
|
if 4
it2 does not3
rain2 this year1
next year5 (we)
will7 have famine6
|
|
| |
|
|
|
|
|
4. |
ai1
ni2 koli3
mo4 -li5
ni6 |
{ta-i
le }7 |
| |
|
|
{*ta-(o) le} |
| |
|
if5
I2 don’t4
watch3 you (sg.)1
, you6 will go
away 7 |
|
|
