|
b. |
sibo-no1
osa2  ho
phro-ko-o3 sübvü-na-i4
|
|
the box4
that3 Sibo1
filled3 the clothes2
in3 |
|
Sociatives, comitatives and benefactives can
not be relativised :
|
|
Sociative/comitative |
|
|
|
|
|
|
618 |
.*a. |
a1
ja2 ta-ko-o-na3
|
|
|
the one
that/who3 my1
teacher2 went
with3 |
|
|
|
|
|
*b. |
a1
ja2 ta-ko-o3
omüi4 |
|
|
the man/men4
who3 my1
teacher2 went
with3 |
|
|
|
| benefactive |
|
|
|
|
|
|
619 |
.*a |
pfota-no1
ovo-so-ko-o-na2
|
|
|
the one
whom2 they (excl.
pl.)1 worked
for2 |
|
|
|
|
|
*b. |
pfota-no1
ovo so-ko-o2
omüi 3 |
|
|
the people3
who2 they (excl.
pl.)1 worked
for 2 |
|
3.4.
|
Verb
|
3.4.0.
|
|
The verb in Mao is defined as a
word which can potentially take mood markers. Tense and aspect are
structural properties not of the verb but of the predicate which may be
either a noun or a verb. Thus,
|
| tense |
|
| |
|
| 1. |
|
ai1
ta2 le3
|
|
|
I1
will3 go2
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
a. |
sodu1
krismas2 le3
|
|
|
tomorrow1
will3 (be) Christmas2
|
|
krismas ‘Christmas’ in 2 in clearly a nominal.
Only nominals expound the constituents inequational sentences.
Equational sentences are marked in Mao by a predicate penultimate
-ko
|
| 3. |
|
izho1
krismas2 -ko-e |
|
|
today1
(is) Christmas2
|
|
|
|
|
|
aspect |
| 4 |
|
izho deni1
mani-we2 these
|
|
|
days1
(we have) rest-days2
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
a. |
izho1
mani-e2 today1
(is) a |
|
|
rest-day2
|
|
3.3.1.
|
Morphological Composition |
3.4.1.1.:
|
The verb is marked neither for
number (egs 5a-e) nor for gender (egs 6a-e)
|
| 5
|
a. |
adahrü1
ocü2 vu ta-e3
|
Adahrü (a masculine
proper noun) 1 |
|
|
|
went away3
home2 |
|
|
|
|
| |
b.
|
adahra1
ocü2 vu ta-e3
|
Adahra (a feminine
proper noun)1
|
| |
|
|
went away3
home2 |
| |
c. |
bas1
ta-e2 |
(the) bus 1
went away 2 |
| |
|
|
|
| |
d. |
nopfü-khru-müi1
ta-e2 |
(the) married women1
went away2 |
| |
|
|
|
| |
e. |
kolamüi-pfo-na-i1
ta-e2 |
the male plainsman1
went away 2 |
| |
|
|
|
| |
6
a. |
pfo1
ocü2 vü ta-e3 |
he1
went away3 home2
|
| |
|
|
|
| |
b. |
ata1
ocü2 vu ta-e3
|
we (excl. prn. &
excl. pl.)1 went
away3 home2
|
| |
|
|
|
| |
c. |
nita1
ocü2 vu ta-lo3
|
you (excl. pl.)1
go away3 home2
|
| |
|
|
|
| |
d. |
ahi)1
ocü2 vu ta-e3
|
we (incl. du.)1
went away3 home2
|
| |
|
|
|
| |
e. |
ashiphro ahi)1
ocü2 vu |
Ashiphro and I1
went away3 home2
|
| |
|
ta-e3 |
|
|
3.4.1.2.
|
The verb is not marked for
person either (egs 7a-d) except for some verbs with N+V structure and
expressive of physical and mental attributes
where too concord is not rigorous but largely optional with singular subjects, there being no agreement with
nonsingular subjects (eg 8-11)
|
|
7 |
a. |
ai1
ophi-no2 vu-e3
|
I1
came3 on foot2 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
b. |
ni1
ophi-no2 vu-e3
|
you (sg.)1
came on foot2
|
| |
|
|
|
|
|
c. |
pfo1
ophi-no2 vu-e3
|
he1
came3 on foot2
|
| |
|
|
|
|
|
d. |
pfokho1
ophi-no2 vu-e3
|
Pfokho1
came3 on foot2
|
| |
|
|
|
| |
|
odzü pa |
‘to like’ |
|
(An idiosyncratic feature of this verb is that
agreement with second person is not as felicitous as agreement with first and third persons).
|
