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2.1.2. 


When a word ends in a vowel and the following word begins with a vowel the final vowel of the first word is dropped.
 
/ ayya a:ba /    ‘father & mother’ ~ / ayya:ba /

2.2.
 
Internal sandhi
Internal sandhi is more frequent in Kuvi. The following are some of the general processes involved in internal sandhi. It is treated in detail under the morphology of the different word classes.

2.2.1. 


When the plural suffix / ka / is added to a noun stem the following morphophoneic changes take place in the given order:
 
Rule 1.   _ V ® f / _ ka

The final vowel of the noun stem is dropped when it is followed by ka.
 
e.g.   to:lu + ka ® to:l + ka ® to:lka
     
    ho:ru + ka ® ho:r + ka ® ho:rka

Rule 2.
 
 vd. stop ® vl.stop. / - ka

voiced stops become voiceless when followed by ka
 
ambu + ka ® amp + ka
 
kundu + ka ® kunt + ka
Rule 3.     j ® s - ka

Voiced affricates become voiceless sibilant when followed by ka
 
vanju + ka ® vans + ka

Rule 4. c1 c2 ® c2 / - ka
 
amp       +      ka   ®    apka   ‘arrows’
     
kunt       +      ka   ®    kutka   ‘mushrooms’
     
vans      +      ka   ®   vaska   ‘fingers’
     
ommu    +      ka   ®   omka    ‘bones’
     
illu         +      ka   ®   ilka    ‘houses’

2.2.2



The morphophonemic changes which take place in the verb roots when suffixes are added are the following :
2.2.2.1.  
 
When the suffix added to verb roots ending in a single retroflex nasal, is a nasal it is retroflexed.
 
Rule 1. Ņ + N ® ŅŅ

(Here N¥ stands for retroflex nasal, N present tense suffix)
 
e.g.   uņ+ n ® uņņ   ‘drink’
         
    hoņ + n ® hoņņ    ‘run’

2.2.2.2.
 
 

When the suffix added to the above class of verb roots is a dental stop, the suffix is retroflexed and the nasal is assimilated to the stop.
Rule 2.   Ņ + T ® ŅŢ
     
    ŅŢ ® ŢŢ

(Ņ stands for retroflex nasal, T past tense suffix and T, retroflex consonant homorganic with Ņ ).
 
  +    t ® uņţ  
           
uņţ         ® uţţ  ‘drank’

2.2.2.3.
 


When the past-tense suffix is added to verb roots ending in-h the following rule operates.
h           ® s/t    
                 
tuh   +    t   ® tust   ‘bore’
                 
oh

 

  +

 

   t

 

  ® ost

 

   ‘broke’

 

 

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