| |
|
|
| These
causative may have manner markers prefixed to them as in |
| |
p l
|
‘to boil’ |
| phipl
|
‘to warm or boil in the sun’ |
ho pl
|
‘to boil near a fire’ |
| thpl
|
‘to boil by putting it on the fire’ |
ch ple
|
‘to boil in a utensil on a fire’ |
|
| |
| ____________ |
|
14All previous writers except G.E.
Marrison have stressed that there’s no morphological causative
marker in Angami. Marrison also talks or them only as
‘classificatory prefixes’ which have causative meaning. (GE
Marrison ‘The Classification of the Naga Langauges of N.E.
India’ 1967 Vol. 1. P. 118). |
| |
pmh
|
‘to extinguish’ |
| npmh
|
‘to extinguish with clothes’ |
v pmh
|
‘.............by hitting with the tree
branches, leaves etc.’ |
| mhpmh
|
‘.............by blowing the mouth’ |
| pz
|
‘to melt’ |
| phipz
|
‘..........in the sun’ |
| hopz
|
‘...........near the fire’ |
| thpz
|
‘........in the fire (without a utensil)’ |
| chpz
|
‘..........in a utensil on a fire’ |
|
| |
| kr
|
® |
pkr
|
‘to cause to cry’ |
v
|
® |
pv
|
‘to cause to go’ |
t
|
® |
pt
|
‘to cause to run’ |
 i
|
® |
pi
|
‘to cause to die’ |
 
|
® |
p
|
‘to cause to smile’ |
| z
|
® |
pz
|
‘to cause to sleep’ |
| kr
|
® |
pkr
|
‘to cause to be white or whiten’ |
t
|
® |
pt
|
‘to cause to be black or blacken’ |
mo
|
® |
pmo
|
‘to cause to be sweet or sweeten’ |
|
® |
p
|
‘to cause to fall or to inform’ |
| t
|
® |
pt
|
‘to cause to fall or to drop’ |
ts
|
® |
pts
|
‘to cause to be small’ |
|
| |
| bi-may
be redundantly prefixed to some of these causatives |
| |
| pz
|
® |
bipz
|
‘to cause to melt’ |
pu
|
® |
bipu
|
‘to cause to be damaged or damage’ |
| pts
|
® |
bipts
|
‘to cause to be small’ |
|
| |
| (ii) rho
|
® |
kho
|
‘to bend’ |
| rci
|
® |
kci
|
‘to slip down’ |
| rto
|
® |
kto
|
‘to roll down (round objects)’ |
| rv
|
® |
kv
|
‘to spin a coin etc.’ |
| rlh
|
® |
klh
|
‘to spread or unfold’ |
|
| |
| (iii) rz
|
® |
z
|
‘spin (a top)’ |
| rlh
|
® |
lh
|
‘to spread (clothes)’ |
|
| |
| In the
following verbs, the intransitive marker r-
is deleted and replaced by the manner marker. |
| |
rrh
|
® |
cirh
|
‘to tear by hand’ |
| |
|
grh
|
‘.........with a hook-like instrument’ |
| |
|
drh
|
‘..........with dao’ |
| |
|
drh
|
‘..........with axe’ |
| rk
|
® |
bikh
|
‘to crack wall, nut etc. with hand’ |
| |
|
dkh
|
‘..........with knife or dao’ |
| |
|
dkh
|
‘..........with any other implement’ |
|
| |
(3)
Causatives which form a syntactic category. The verb acquires a
causative meaning with the postposing of b
to the object. The verbal element ‘cause’ does not have any
surface realisation. |
| |
1 ny
b2
mhtsli3
|
‘I1 made my son2
eat3’ |
| k1
pu b2
tsltshs3
|
‘We (incl.pl.)1
made/caused her2 sing3’ |
| pu
b1
mhthli2
|
‘Make her1 write2’ |
|
| |
| A unique
example which doesn’t come under any of the above
generalisations is th
‘to burn’ (caus.) whose intransitive is t
‘burn’ (intr.) |
| |
| 6.3.2
Lexical transitives are transitives which entail no
morphological or syntactic process. They are found in two
classes : |
| |
| (1) Those
which have the indefinite object marker mh-prefixed
to them as in mhts
‘to eat’, mhtsh
‘to do’ mhthu
‘to write’ or di
‘word’ as in dip
‘to speak’. mh is
deleted when there is specified object. |
| |
1
mhtslit 2
|
‘I1 have eaton (food)2’ |
|
1
khti2
tsli3
|
‘I1 ate3
rice2’ |
|
| |
| (2) Those
which do not need the prefix mh- |
| |
| phr
|
‘to read’ |
| khruh
|
‘to help’ |
kl
|
‘to sing’ |
|
