| VR
+ Causative + Model1 + cúpelunanì |
|
`can
cause . . |
| tense
|
|
to
eat’ |
| VR
+ Causative + Modal + cúpelumlae |
|
`could
not cause . . to eat’ |
| Neg1
+ tense |
|
to
eat |
|
|
Having
discussed the morphological construction of a verb in Sema, its sub classification
is attempted. |
| 3.3.2.
Sub-Classification of the verbs |
The
verbs in Sema can be primarily sub-grouped into two, |
niye
a a
kini anì |
|
`I
have two daughters’ (locative) |
| pahile
anì |
|
`he
is here’ (locative) |
pa
z wya |
|
`he slept’ (non-locative) |
| pa
iithulu |
|
`he saw me’ (non-locative)’ etc. |
|
|
| 3.3.2.1.
Locative verbs |
The
locative verb has two functions viz; (i) to indicate the location of the
noun/pronoun functioning as the subject and (ii) to idenify the item possessed
by the noun/pronoun functioning as the subject, i.e., the subject refers
to a person/thing etc. indirectly involved in the existential proposition,
where the role of the subject is that of a `receipient’. |
In
terms of the sentence structure in which they occur, both these functions
could be brought under the existential type of sentences. They have therefore,
the same negative particle for negating these two uses of the locative
verb as in : |
| (a)
|
niye
anu lakh aniì |
`I
have a son’ |
| |
niye
anu lakhì kha
|
`I
do not have a son’ |
| (b) |
ifonoqó hile anì |
`my
sisters are here’ |
| |
ifonoqó
hile kha |
`my
sisters are not here’ |
|
|
The
sub-classification between the locative verbs and the non-locative verbs
is based on the following criteria : |
(a)
Whereas a non-locative verb is capable of showing modal differences, the
locative verb is not, as in : |
| wulò
|
`go
(imp)’1 |
| wulu |
`can
go (poetential)’ |
| pa
hile anì |
`he
is in the house’ |
|
|
1. It may be pertinent to note here that the word `go’ has two forms
in Sema, viz., wú and ú. The form wú is used when
a person is returning to his home from any place while the form ú
is used when a person goes to the field or to any place except, back to
his house.
|
If
probability is to be added to this utterence to give the sense of `he
might be in the house’, a principal verb like a i
`stay’ must necessarily be introduced as in : |
| pa
hile ailuwikenì |
`he
might be here’ |
|
|
where
the probability marker luwi is postposed to the principal verb aFi `stay’. |
(b)
Whereas a non-locative verb can occur alone in a predicative construction,
the locative verb must necessarily be post-posed to an adverb/or a noun,
as in : |
| pa
úwà |
`he
went’ |
| pa
hile anì |
`he
is here’ |
| pa
hile ay |
`he
was here’ |
| pano
aa
kini anì |
`he
has two daughters’ etc. |
|
|
It
may be mentioned that the relationship of NP complement occurring with
a locative verb is different from that of a NP complement occurring with
a verb in its transitive construction, as in : |
| ino
aa
lakhì ithulu |
`I
saw a girl’ |
|
|
When
a NP complement occurs with a locative verb, the relationship between
the noun functioning as the subject and that of the NP complement of a
locative verb is that of possessor and possessed whereas when a verb is
in its transitive construction the NP complement will be the goal of an
action of the noun/pronoun functioning as the subject : |
(c)
In a predicative construction, the locative verb functions as an auxiliaary
verb by following the non-locative verbs as in : |
pa
z anì
|
|
`he is sleeping’ |
| pa
wúanì |
|
`he
is going’ |
| pa
asi cúay |
|
`he
was eating meat’ etc. |
|
|
It may also be pointed out here that a word like ai
`stay as found in the sentences : |
| nono
hile ailò
|
|
`you
stay here’ (imp) |
| ino
hile ainì
|
|
`I
will stay here’ |
|
|
is
usually classed along with the locative verbs in other languages whereas
it is a non-locative verb in Sema as it can take modal markers. |
