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VR + Causative + Model1 + cúpelunanì   `can cause . .
tense   to eat’
VR + Causative + Modal + cúpelumlae   `could not cause . . to eat’
Neg1 + tense   to eat
Having discussed the morphological construction of a verb in Sema, its sub classification is attempted.
3.3.2. Sub-Classification of the verbs
The verbs in Sema can be primarily sub-grouped into two,
niye aa kini anì   `I have two daughters’ (locative)
pahile anì   `he is here’ (locative)
pa zwya   `he slept’ (non-locative)
pa iithulu   `he saw me’ (non-locative)’ etc. Locative verbs
The locative verb has two functions viz; (i) to indicate the location of the noun/pronoun functioning as the subject and (ii) to idenify the item possessed by the noun/pronoun functioning as the subject, i.e., the subject refers to a person/thing etc. indirectly involved in the existential proposition, where the role of the subject is that of a `receipient’.
In terms of the sentence structure in which they occur, both these functions could be brought under the existential type of sentences. They have therefore, the same negative particle for negating these two uses of the locative verb as in :
(a) niye anu lakh aniì `I have a son’
  niye anu lakhì kha `I do not have a son’
(b) ifonoqó hile anì `my sisters are here’
  ifonoqó hile kha `my sisters are not here’
The sub-classification between the locative verbs and the non-locative verbs is based on the following criteria :
(a) Whereas a non-locative verb is capable of showing modal differences, the locative verb is not, as in :
wulò `go (imp)’1
wulu `can go (poetential)’
pa hile anì `he is in the house’

1. It may be pertinent to note here that the word `go’ has two forms in Sema, viz., wú and ú. The form wú is used when a person is returning to his home from any place while the form ú is used when a person goes to the field or to any place except, back to his house.
If probability is to be added to this utterence to give the sense of `he might be in the house’, a principal verb like ai `stay’ must necessarily be introduced as in :
pa hile ailuwikenì `he might be here’
where the probability marker luwi is postposed to the principal verb aFi `stay’.
(b) Whereas a non-locative verb can occur alone in a predicative construction, the locative verb must necessarily be post-posed to an adverb/or a noun, as in :
pa úwà `he went’
pa hile anì `he is here’
pa hile ay `he was here’
pano aa kini anì `he has two daughters’ etc.
It may be mentioned that the relationship of NP complement occurring with a locative verb is different from that of a NP complement occurring with a verb in its transitive construction, as in :
ino aa lakhì ithulu `I saw a girl’
When a NP complement occurs with a locative verb, the relationship between the noun functioning as the subject and that of the NP complement of a locative verb is that of possessor and possessed whereas when a verb is in its transitive construction the NP complement will be the goal of an action of the noun/pronoun functioning as the subject :
(c) In a predicative construction, the locative verb functions as an auxiliaary verb by following the non-locative verbs as in :
pa zanì   `he is sleeping’
pa wúanì   `he is going’
pa asi cúay   `he was eating meat’ etc.
It may also be pointed out here that a word like ai `stay as found in the sentences :
nono hile ailò   `you stay here’ (imp)
ino hile ainì   `I will stay here’
is usually classed along with the locative verbs in other languages whereas it is a non-locative verb in Sema as it can take modal markers.







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