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As opposed to this type of informative response, the other type elicits only a yes/no response, though one may while responding repeat the entire question minus the interrogative particle immediately after the yes/no response, as in :
 
syama moso khabo nki?

‘Will Shyama eat meat?’

    1           2     3    4    5   6    (lit. Shyama meat eat will no what)
                    1      2     3     4   5    6

Usually the response to such a question would be:
hoy/n ‘yes/no’
 
But if one so wishes, one could also respond as :
hoy, syama moso khabo ‘yes, Shyama will eat meat’
 
or
 
ny, syama moso nkhabo ‘no, Shyama will not eat meat’
 
These types of questions are known as tagged questions. It might also be noted that as far as this language is concerned there is verb little difference between the two types of questions, as a tagged question could be used for the other one also, for instance:
 
tay moso khayse nki?
could mean both;
he age meat, did’nt he? and
did he eat meat?
 
Unlike the pattern of negation, the same pattern is followed for interrogating verbs in different tenses, aspects and moods. A few examples would illustrative this statement.
 
(a) kob jabo ‘where will you be going’
      1   2  3 (lit. where go will)
          1      2    3
kod jayse ‘where are you going?’
kod jayse ‘where did (you) go?’
kod jabole ‘where is to go?’
(b) tay jabole ‘will he go?’
tay jayse nki ‘did he go?’
tay jayse nki ‘is he going?’
tay jaysile nki ‘was he going?’
tay jaythkibo nki ‘will he be going?’ etc.
   
In closing, it may be stated that there are two means of transforming a statement into an interrogative in this language. These are : (i) by postposing to the statement concerned, the particles n+ki standing respectively for negative and interrogative particles for tagged type of questions anticipating a yes/no answer and (ii) by placing the interrogative pronoun in the appropriate slot of the statement concerned for obtaining information on any specific issue/point. In either case, the pattern of interrogation is indifferent to the tense, aspect and the modality of the verb concerned.
 

APPENDIX 1
 

STNDARDIZATION OF NAGA PIDGIN*
M.V.Sreedhar
 
The contact between the Nagas1 (speakers of Tibeto-Burman language) and Assames (speakers and Indo-Aryan language) at the barter trade centers in the plains of Assam may have resulted in the birth of the pidgin formerly known as Naga-Assamese and now popularly known as Nagamese, but designated here as Naga Pidgin. Though the earliest recorded reference to this Pidgin is in Hutton (1921), the Nagas have been in contact with non-Nagas for well over a century2. Whatever may have been the circumstances of the origin of this pidgin, it is the only language that is current in the entire breadth and length of Nagaland, India. It is also spoken across the State boundary in Arunachal Pradesh, formerly known as North East Frontier Agency. Within the state of Nagaland, the Naga Pidgin is used in all interlingua contact situations amongst the Nagas and also between the Nagas and non-Nagas, though the educated elite use English on formal occasions. It is also used by uneducated non-Nagas during interlingual contact situations amongst the non-Nagas. In a number of instances, the Naga Pidgin carries a higher functional load than the mother tongue of its users (Sreedhar 1973).
 
The Naga communities that live within the state are : Konyak (72,338)3, (65,275), Sema (65,227), Angami (43,569), Lotha (36,949), Sangtam (19,998), Phom (18,017), Chang (15,816), Khiamngan (14,414), Yimchunger (13,564), Rengma (8,578), Chokri (8,339)4, Khezha (7,295)4, Zemi (6,473)4, Liangmei (2,988)4, Pochuri (2,938), Tirkhir (2,486), Kuki-chiru (1,175), Makware (769), Kachari5, Rongmei, Chin and Mao. In addition, there are at least six other immigrant groups in this state. These are : Garo, Mikir, Nepali, Bihari, Malayali and Assamese. In other words, a small hill state having a total area of 4,366 square miles with a population of 516,4496 has 29 linguistic groups including the six immingrant groups.
 
The Naga Pidgin spoken in different parts of Nagaland is not identical. The differences are found both at the phonological and grammatical level. A study conducted in this area (Sreedhar 1974) shows that though each Naga community has a variety specific to
 
*Jounal of creote studies 1977, 157-170.

 
 
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