2. |
ni1
na2
oja so3
ho4 (so)
mo-e5
(v1
ho v1
neg) |
|
does3
you (sg.)1
son2
teach or4
not5
(teach)? |
|
|
3. |
izho1
ni bu3
le4
ho5
ho6 le7
(v1 ho v2
) |
|
today1
will4
you2
be3
(here) or5
will7
(you) go to (the) field6
? |
|
|
4. |
pfo1
coho bo2
le3
ho4
otho5
she6
le7
|
|
will
3, 7 she1
cook2
or4
pound6
paddy5
? |
|
|
5. |
izho1
ho2
sodu3
(N1
ho N2
) |
|
today1
or2
tomorrow 3
? |
|
|
6. |
hihi1
ni2
larübvü3
ho4
(lorübvü) mo-e5
(N1
ho N1
neg) |
|
(is) this1
your 2
book 3
or 4
not5
? |
|
|
7. |
izho1
mani 2
ho3
mata-e4
(N1
V N2
) |
|
(is) today1
a rest day 2
or3
a working-day4
? |
|
As pointed out earlier,
ho interrogatioh is neither yes-no nor
question-word interrogation. It does not take
ove ‘yes’ or mo ‘no’ as an answer:
|
263
|
A: |
izho1
ni2
bu3
le4
ho5
ho6
le7
|
|
|
will4
you (sg.)2
be there3
today1
or (will7
you) go to (the) field6
? |
|
B: |
{
O
}1 |
|
|
{ *(ove)
} |
ho2
le3
|
|
{ *(mo-e)} |
|
|
|
|
|
{ O
}1 |
|
|
{ *(yes)
} |
will3
go to (the) field 2 |
|
{ *(no)
} |
|
|
The above dialogue illustrates ho interrogation
which is fresh inquiry. ho interrogation
could be with an assumed background. The following
ho- interrogative sentences assume a
background, an earlier enjoinder to do the action
264.1 and the speaker’s prespeech act assumption
that the subject could be a Mao in 264.2:
|
264 |
1. |
ni1
idu2
mikrüli3
lo ho mo-e4 |
|
|
did
you (sg.)1
go down4
to Imphal3
yesterday2
or not4
? |
|
|
|
|
2. |
ni1
imemüi2
-ko0
ho mo-e3
|
|
|
(are)
you (sg.)1
(a) Mao Naga2
or not3
? |
|
This does not take ove ‘yes’ mo-e
‘no’ as an answer either. Sentence-final ho
is information-seeking in a sense, but it is not
a full fledged interrogative marker as it is severely
constrained: it does not occur in all tenses and
persons. It marks neither a content question nor
a wh- question (as there could be no question-word
in the sentence), nor a yes-no question since
it elicits neither ove ‘yes’ nor mo-e
‘no’ as an answer, but e ‘o.k.’:
|
265 |
A: |
ni1
sodu2
mikrüli3
lo le4
ho0 |
|
|
you(sg.)1
go4
to Imphal3
tomorrow2
? |
|
|
|
|
B: |
a.
e ‘o.k.’ |
|
|
b.
*ove ‘yes’ |
|
|
|
266 |
A: |
ni1-e2
vu3
le4
ho5
|
|
|
you(sg.)1
will4
also2
come3
o.k.? |
|
|
|
|
B: |
e1
vu2
le3
|
|
|
o.k.1,
will3
come2
|
|
As an interrogative
marker, sentence-final ho occurs with
a highly restricted set of verbs. In the typical
case, it carries an imperative import
|
267 |
ni1
izho2
ta3
le4
mo5
ho6
|
|
should6
you(sg.)1
not5
go3
today2
? ; (you should) go today |
|
3.4.14.3.
|
Yes-No Interrogation
|
Yes-No interrogation could be either information-seeking,
information-confirming or at once information-seeking and
-confirming.
|
3.4.14.3.1.
|
Information-seeking Yes-No Interrogation
|
This ramifies into
fresh inquiry and inquiry with an assumed background.
Fresh information-seeking is marked differently
for the sentence and for the phrase. Fresh sentential
inquiry is marked in the positive by omo
spoken typically in everyday speech as ama
and in the negative by mo mo and mo-ama:
|
268 |
1. |
pfo1
idu2
ta3
ome-e/ama4 |
|
|
did3
he1
go3
yesterday2
?4 |
|
|
|
|
|
pfo1
idu2
ta3
(mo) mo4
mo-e5 |
|
|
did3
he1
not4
go3
yesterday2
?5 |
|
|
|
|
2. |
ni1
imemüi2
-ko0
mo-e3 |
|
|
(are) you
(sg.)1
(a) Mao2
? 3 |
|
|
|
|
|
ni1
imemüi2
-(ka) (mo) mo3
mo-e4 |
|
|
(are) you1
not3
(a) Mao2
?4
|
|