|
13 |
ai1
ni-yi2 ni3
cü4 he5
kade6 le7 |
| |
I1
will7 meet6
you2 at5
your3 home4
|
| |
|
|
14. |
ocü (i)rü1
le2 |
| |
it1
will2 rain1
|
|
Simple past or Aorist
phonologically null. Sentences with no psychological volitive action verbs
are, as a result, ambiguous between the aorist and the historical present
meanings :
|
| 46
|
|
pfo1
nü-o2 tae3
|
| |
|
|
| |
1. |
she1
smiled and2 went
away3 (aorist) |
| |
|
|
| |
2. |
she1
smiles and2 goes
away3 (historical
present) |
|
|
Effectively, though such sentences are typically
unambiguous in point of fact as historical present tense is very rare in
everyday speech. The following sentences have in effect only the aorist
readings :
|
|
47 |
1. |
a hini1
a2 hi-no3
vue4 |
| |
|
Athini1
came4 behind/after3
me2 |
| |
|
|
| |
2. |
losü1
mikrüli2 -no3
prae4 |
| |
|
Losü1
came up4 from3
Imphal2 |
| |
|
|
| |
3. |
bas-no1
besü-yi2 she3
|
| |
|
the bus hit Besü |
| |
|
|
| |
4.
|
kaini1
cühu2
padi3 he4
bue5 |
| |
|
Kaini1
was5 here4
for four 3 days2
|
| |
|
|
| |
5.
|
mahibo-no1
amaramüi-yi2
dae3 |
| |
|
Mathibo1
beat3 (the) mad
man2 |
| |
|
|
| |
6. |
a1
dzü-riepüi2 klaas3
cüro4 kotu5
modoe6 |
| |
|
my1
sister2 studied6
upto5 class3
x4 |
| |
|
|
| |
7. |
ahie-no1
pe2 |
| |
|
who1
said2 ? |
| |
|
|
| |
8.
|
lopüi1
nainiin
siksi2
kono3 monoe4
|
| |
|
she1
married4 in3
19602 |
| |
|
|
| |
9.
|
ai1
idu2 ni-yi3
nie4 |
| |
|
I1
saw4 you3
yesterday2 |
| |
|
|
| |
10. |
boni-no1
pfo-yi2 larübvü3
kali4 matae5
|
| |
|
Boni1
sent5 him2
a4 book3
|
|
|
It is to be noted that the (non)syllabic e which
closes the verb in each of the examples above is a sentence-marker.
See 6.6.0 under syntax.
|
The verbs illustrated above
typically do not admit of a contrast between what is called ‘simple present’
tense and
the ‘simple past’ or aorist, as
we saw. Three are, however, verbs which do admit of such a contrast and as a
result, sentences which are built do admit of such a contrast and as a
result, sentences which are built around them are ambiguous between the
simple present and aorist meanings, if the two tenses are not formally kept
apart. In Mao Naga, as noted earlier, the formally signalled opposition is
future/ non-future and not future-aorist-present. Verbs which admit of a
notional contrast between ‘simple past’ and ‘simple present’ are verbs
expressive of mental or physiological state, physical or personality
attribute and of emotional disposition:
|
|
48. |
1. |
|
hrekha rashü dzü
pae |
|
|
|
1. |
Hrekha1
likes3 fruits2
|
|
|
|
2.
|
Hrekha1
liked3 fruits2 |
| |
|
|
|
|
|
2. |
|
lona-hi1
osa soe2 |
| |
|
1.
|
he1
is tall2 |
| |
|
2.
|
he1
was tall2 |
| |
|
|
|
|
|
3. |
|
·ikho1
hayi2-ko0
oca3 dzü-no4
dzü pae5 |
| |
|
1.
|
Dikho1
prefers5 ricebeer2
for 4 tea3 |
| |
|
2.
|
Dikho1
preferred5 ricebeer2
to4 tea3 |
| |
|
|
|
|
|
4. |
|
lolisa1
lainas-yi2 leshüe3 |
| |
|
1.
|
Lijisa1
loves3 Linus2 |
| |
|
2.
|
Lijisa1
loved3 Linus2
|
| |
|
|
|
|
|
5. |
|
tasoni1
kapani-yi2 marie3
|
| |
|
1.
|
Tasoni1
resembles3 Kapani2 |
| |
|
2.
|
Tasoni1
resembled3 Kapani2 |
| |
|
|
|
|
|
6. |
|
pfota1
pfo-yi2 nie karae3 |
| |
|
1.
|
they (excl. pl.)1
hate3 him2 |
| |
|
2.
|
they (excl. pl.)1
hated3 him2 |
| |
|
|
|
|
|
7. |
|
heshu-hi1
onga loe2 |
| |
|
1.
|
Heshu1
is good-physiqued2 |
| |
|
2.
|
Heshu1
was good-physiqued2 |
| |
|
|
|
|
|
8. |
|
pfo1
zhüe2 |
| |
|
1. |
he1
is good2 |
| |
|
2.
|
he1
was good2
|
|
