|
|
|
(3) When the
action has been seen or being seen only by the speaker and he is
reporting as opposed to when both the listener(s) and speaker
are seeing. It is marked by b
when the speaker is reporting what he has seen and the listener
is not seeing and by -i
when both are seeing the action. |
|
Sometimes
the progressive is also expressed by the immediacy aspect marker |
|
e.g. n1
kr(pu)2
v ty i3
‘Where2 are3 you1
going?3’ |
|
There is a
contrast among stative verbs in so far as some of them occur in
the present tense (formally unmarked) unlike a typical Angami
verb while some other stative verbs obligatorily take the
durative aspect marker ba in the present tense. |
|
1
b2
|
‘I1 know2’ |
pu1
punmyi
b2 |
‘She1 is angry2’ |
pu1
mr
b2
|
‘He1 is hungry2’ |
1
v b2
|
‘I1 am well2’ |
|
|
Futher
Progressive is expressed by the progressive marker b
followed by the future tense marker. |
|
lsphr
b ty
|
‘Will be studying’ |
rz
b ty
|
‘Will be playing’ |
|
|
The
Perfective aspect is marked for intranstive verbs by -t.
Since past tense is not marked, this would be both present
perfective and past perfective. |
|
ct
|
‘has/had gone to the field’ |
vrt
|
‘has/had come’ |
vt
|
‘has/had gone’ |
|
|
But when
action denoted by such verbs is undone, wat
rather than t
expresses the perfective. But then there is no formal difference
between the perfiective and the non-perfective. |
|
Thus, |
|
|
|
The
perfective marker -t
is not added to transitive verb roots. In the case of transitive
verbs, it may be expressed by the Recent past-durative -s
-wt
or the valency-role marker followed by the perfective aspect
marker. |
|
Thus *ht
and *dkhrt
where the perfective aspect marker t
is added to transitive verbs h
‘see’ and dkhr
‘kill’ are ungrammatical. The past tense forms of
h
‘to see’ for instance would be, |
|
h
|
‘saw’ |
hs
|
‘have/has/had seen’ |
hwt |
‘have/has/had seen’ |
|
|
Recent past
durative |
|
-s
denoted that the action identified by the verb has taken place
in the recent past and for a short duration. |
|
pu1
kho2
n3
vs4
|
‘He1 has been4
to3 (the) meeting2’ |
pu1
kho2
nu3
vt4
|
‘He1 has gone4
to3 (the) meeting2’ |
|
|
In the first
example, the implication is that the (referent of the) subject
may be at the place of the speech act while in the second
example, he, necessarily, is not present at the place of the
speech act. (In English these two meanings have the same formal
realisation). |
|
6.6 Mood |
|
6.6.0 Mood
is a grammatical category of the verb which expresses the
attitude of the speaker towards what he is saying in terms of
the degree or kind of reality, in terms of the obligatoriness,
necessity, desirability, contingency etc. of the propositional
content of the sentence. The reason why they are considered
modals and not adverbs is that sentential adverbs or adverbs
which qualify the whole proposition do not follow the verb; but
these do. Modals generally co-occur with the tense auxiliary ty.
By the criterion of the deletion of the verb, some are
auxiliaries and some suffixes. |
|
An Angami
verb may be marked for the following moods: |
|
obligation,
necessity, dubitation, desiderative, permissive, optative,
hortative, inferential, definitive, ease, exertive, imperative,
ability, contrafaction, conditional, contingency,
pseudo-condition. This list excludes the indicative mood which
is unmarked. |